Is there any precedent to Duterte's “Shoot them dead” call for policy violators in a Democracy?

Is there any precedent to Duterte's “Shoot them dead” call for policy violators in a Democracy?

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Quoting Reuters:

“My orders to the police and military… if there is trouble and there's an occasion that they fight back and your lives are in danger, shoot them dead.”

“Is that understood? Dead. Instead of causing trouble, I will bury you.”

Reading between the lines and from having watched the video, this seems to be more of a warning aimed at the opposition and those who might join demonstrations.

Are there historical precedents for this in (however imperfect or failed) democracies? This, as in, public calls by those in power for police to shoot protestors and opposition leaders dead. (Apart from Duterte's own precedent on prompting police to kill drug dealers and drug users.)

There arguably are plenty of precedents prior to democracies becoming the norm, with insofar as I'm aware orders given in private to commanders or commanders taking that initiative by themselves. The Paris Commune in 1871 springs to mind for instance, as do the 1848-49 repressions in Germany, Austria, Czechia, or Hungary.

There are also police mishaps and other clusterfucks. This is about explicit, stated policy.

This question is about countries that, at least on paper, are democracies. And to set the time frame, this is for after the advent of police forces, which arose in the late 19th century.

Martial law has been declared in the United states of America, a more or less democratic country, on several occasions.

And as I remember, during martial law or at other times orders have been given, legal or not, to shoot or kill by other methods looters, or other criminals, or even non criminals.

I believe that orders to troops to shoot looters and other criminals were issued after the San Francisco Earthquake in 1906.

After the Great Chicago Fire of October 8-10, Chicago was put under martial law from October 11 to 24.

For two weeks Sheridan oversaw a de facto martial law of dubious legitimacy implemented by a mix of regular troops, militia units, police, and a specially organized "First Regiment of Chicago Volunteers." They patrolled the streets, guarded the relief warehouses, and enforced curfews and other regulations. John DeKoven, cashier of the Merchants' National Bank of Chicago, wrote to his wife of his experience as a sentry, "I have not had my clothes off for a week, the city is pa[t]roled every night, you should have seen me last night pa[t]roling our alley with a loaded revolver in my hand looking for incendiaries for there are many about." Illinois Governor Richard Oglesby, among others, strongly questioned whether such measures were justified and legal, but the calming effect of Mason's actions in the days right after the fire was evident, especially among the well-to-do. Former Lieutenant-Governor William Bross, part owner of the Tribune, later recollected his response to the arrival of Sheridan's soldiers: "Never did deeper emotions of joy overcome me. Thank God, those most dear to me and the city as well are safe."

"In the immediate days and nights that followed, there was no forgiveness for looters, some of who tried to start new fires.after the fire. Looters caught in the act were shot on the spot or dragged to the nearest lamppost and hanged."

Looters who didn't believe that Sheridan would enforce orders to shoot looters didn't know how gung ho Sheridan was about using excessive lethal force in law enforcement.

On Sheridan's orders Major Eugene Baker and his command were sent to avenge the murder of Malcolm Clarke, who was married to a Blackfeet and considered a member of the tribe by the Blackfeet, by his long time enemy Owl Child. Sheridan had given the band of Mountain Chief two weeks to kill Owl Child and turn in his body as proof. Owl child and Mountain Chief might not have been US citizens and voters, but they were not foreigners, they were members of a dependent nation within the USA and thus US nationals and entitled to the protection of the US government, including due process of law.

But without any trial Sheridan had ordered Mountain Chief to kill Owl Child, and then sent Baker to attack and punish Mountain Chief's band for not doing so. At the Maria Massacre on January 23, 1870 about 200 Piegan Blackfeet were killed, mostly women, children and old men. That was such a disproportionate response to merely one single murder that it hardly seems to make it much worse that scout Joe Kipp told Baker just before the attack that it was the village of Chief Heavy Runner who was considered peaceful and had a letter of protection, and Baker went ahead with the attack anyway.

Wendell Phillips said: "I know of only three savages upon the plains, Colonel Baker, General Custer, and at the head of all, General Sheridan.".

The Battle of Lincoln, New Mexico, was a five-day-long firefight between civilians that took place from July 15-19, 1878 in Lincoln, New Mexico. It was the largest armed battle of the Lincoln County War and the climax of that civilian conflict in the New Mexico Territory. The firefight was interrupted and suppressed by United States Cavalry led by Lt. Col. Nathan Dudley from Fort Stanton.

McSween, although a non-combatant, was the former partner of John Tunstall, and, along with John Chisum, had organized and financially supported the Regulators. On July 15, 1878, McSween returned to Lincoln with about 41 additional supporters, ten of whom he put up in his home; while the rest found beds throughout the town.7 Shortly afterward, a large force hired by the "Murphy-Dolan" faction and led by Peppin, arrived in Lincoln, and surrounded the Regulators at McSween's house.8

The posse and the Regulators traded gunfire for much of that day. At least five Murphy-Dolan men were wounded in the initial exchange, while the Regulators suffered no casualties.8 During the next three days, little changed, with no further casualties reported. Finally, on July 18, a cavalry detachment under the command of Lt. Col. Nathan Dudley from Fort Stanton arrived.8 They had either been summoned by frightened residents or by a report that a soldier had been wounded in Lincoln.5

The soldiers quickly ended the skirmish. By the end of the third day, the McSween supporters scattered around town had departed, leaving just the contingent at the McSween homestead.8 At some point during the night of July 18-19, however, the McSween house was set afire. When McSween and the others attempted to flee the following morning, he and several other Regulators were shot and killed. Now under the leadership of Bonney and Jim French, the Regulators quickly reassessed their position, and forced an escape from the burning adobe house.2

Dudley's part in the Lincoln County War of 1877-1879 in New Mexico Territory is at best controversial and at worst despicable and incompetent. He was the commanding officer of the local Fort Stanton. Despite orders not to interfere in civilian matters, he did, nominally to protect civilians, but in fact, he seems to have favored the Murphy-Dolan faction throughout the range war. Attempts to have him removed as commander went all the way to the Secretary of War, but were refused. Susan McSween, the wife of one of the key participants, Alexander McSween, had charges filed in 1879 against Dudley.[citation needed]

Dudley was removed by General Hatch as commander on March 7, 1879, and a court of inquiry into his actions was commissioned. In July 1879, the inquiry ruled that a court martial against Dudley was not justified, and Dudley was transferred to Fort Union, also in New Mexico Territory. In November 1879 Dudley was also found not guilty in his trial for an arson, a crime committed during the Battle of Lincoln. Susan McSween's husband, Alexander, was shot and killed while unarmed, and in the presence of Col. Dudley, while McSween was fleeing the burning house.[citation needed]

On May 13, 1985, a date that will in law enforcement infamy, in an attempt to move the annoying and disruptive MOVE movement members out of a Philadelphia neighborhood, shooting started and a "device" or bomb was dropped on the MOVE residence, setting it on fire. Eleven people died, including five children. At least the neighbors who wanted MOVE moved out no longer had anything to complain about - nor anywhere to live, either, since most of their houses burned down too.

Then there was the Waco Siege from February 28 to April 19, 1993.

The incident began when the ATF attempted to raid the ranch. An intense gun battle erupted, resulting in the deaths of four government agents and six Branch Davidians. Upon the ATF's failure to raid the compound, a siege lasting 51 days was initiated by the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI). Eventually, the FBI launched an assault and initiated a tear gas attack in an attempt to force the Branch Davidians out of the ranch. During the attack, a fire engulfed Mount Carmel Center. This resulted in the deaths of 76 Branch Davidians, including 20 children, two pregnant women and David Koresh.8

So as these few examples show, even in a democratic country like the USA, when political and/or law enforcement and/or military officials threaten the use of deadly force under certain circumstances, they should be believed. And one should either comply with their demands, however unreasonable or illegal they might be, or "Be afraid. Be very afraid.".